MACIEJEWSKA IRENA WIERSZE LEOPOLDA STAFFA PDF

Leopold Staff: pieśni na głos i fortepian / Jerzy Sokorski: Sokorski, Jerzy Tadeusz Januszewski, Irena Maciejewska i Janusz Stradecki: Staff, Leopold. Leopold Staff has 28 books on Goodreads with ratings. Leopold Staff’s most popular book is Death in Venice. of 5 stars5 of 5 stars. Złota księga wierszy polskich by. Jan Kochanowski, Irena Maciejewska (editor). avg rating — 2 . Wiersze i poematy by William Shakespeare, Joe Alex – – pages. Wiersze i Wiersze Leopolda Staffa by Irena Maciejewska – – pages.

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What concerns Shallcross is the near impossibility of representing in verbal art the destruction of the maciejedska body and the human soul. She argues that the early writers of Holocaust texts focused on material objects. Courtesy of the Jewish Historical Institute, Warsaw. Shallcross delineates the ways in which Holocaust objects leopoldx represented in Polish and Polish-Jewish texts written during or shortly after World War II.

Includes bibliographical references and index. Polish literature—20th century—History and criticism. Polish literature—Jewish authors—History and criticism. Holocaust, Jewishin literature. Holocaust, Jewish —Poland. An Introduction We are crammed, surrounded by things, objects, furniture, clutter, this dead fauna which increases over the years, disturbed at the time of moving house, considered indispensible for life.

Never before, during this war, was man so leoolda fleeced of the surroundings of things among which he lives.

Theory must deal with cross-grained, opaque, unassimilated material, which as such admittedly has from the start an anachronistic quality, but which is not wholly obsolete since it has outwitted the historical dynamic. Hence, mounds of objects, looted from their murdered owners, seem much less important, their tales ignored.

These surviving objects attest to the fact of genocide, if one respects their authenticity; ordinary and humble, these objects are endowed with unique representational power: Usually, the biography of an object continues as long as it maintains its capacity to serve ifena owner.

One disturbing effect of the objects on display in Holocaust 2 irenw holocaust object in polish and polish – jewish culture museums is produced by the reversal of this order: Since the Holocaust already exists at a temporal remove, its proximity diminishing into memory, both its material vestiges and immaterial traces manifest their past immediacy mainly through metonymy, which allows these fragments to speak on behalf of past wholeness. The tension between such gathered material vestiges and their initial integrated functionality underscores the great power of metonymy: The beholder approaches the material legacy of the Holocaust in order to read its metonymic configurations and, in so doing, to pose questions about its graspable meaning.

The now institutionalized display of these objects at sites of death clashes with both their initially intended use and the way in which they attest to the powerful human desire to live; after all, their owners carried these possessions to places of destination and destiny, as objects intended for use in a future life at these locations.

Anyone who contemplates the material legacy of AuschwitzBirkenau is struck first of all by both its shabby everydayness and the simple utility of the objects on display—a utility determined by the demands of survival.

Amid the chaos of suitcases, kitchen pots, footwear, one will not find canvasses painted by old masters or other precious collectibles. At the point when the victims, forced to leave their homes, had to make quick and irrevocable decisions regarding what to take with them, their needs were indeed basic.

One took warm clothes, food, and symbolic mementos such as family pictures, but left behind furniture. Jewelry and hard currency were kept close to the body or hidden in its crevices. After reaching the ghettos, extermination centers, or concentration camps, the victims and their belongings were subjected to yet another process of segregation and elimination.

The resulting mass of plundered objects was again sorted before being sent, under the supervision of the special forces, to the Reich. The illegal processes of enriching the Reich in order to further its war efforts blurred otherwise clear distinctions that existed between collection and accumulation: According to Jean Baudrillard, surplus and disorder are both inherent in accumulation.

A new turn in Holocaust analysis of the material object-world emerged in the s, when, due to systemic changes in East Central Europe, the previously stalled process of restituting Jewish property gained momentum.

The convoluted problem of legal ownership and doubtful provenance of artifacts shook the art world, prompting both museum studies and art management methodologies to scrupulously track and reconstruct the provenance of museum holdings. Legal actions resulting in some dispossession were complemented by eventual repossession.

There, the process had to do mainly, but not solely, with the return of real estate to Jewish communities; the holdings involved were primarily cemeteries and synagogues, which require special care and further negotiations regarding future use. Given that objects typically serve as metonymic representations of their owners and users, a closer inquiry into what constitutes the identity of a culturally specific object—or, for that matter, a Jewish object—becomes pertinent.

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Unless an object is geared for a specific clientele, the production process usually defines the cultural and ethnic designation of artifacts. During the Holocaust, however, the cultural or national provenance of ordinary paraphernalia was defined rather by ownership: Nazi science understood race as an essential trait of human subjects, yet from the practical vantage point of this science, Jewishness was not inherent in either corpses or objects.

With the notable exception of religious artifacts, Jewishness was quickly stripped from the identity of everyday objects in order to facilitate the redistribution of these types of stolen goods across the Third Reich.

For instance, the amassed gold teeth, melted into bullion, conveyed a radical dissociation from their human users.

Recycling leoolda such objects and produced them anew. I maintain that the Holocaust, with its agenda of human extermination, promoted a fetishization of objects; the acts of looting, amassing, and sorting gave unprecedented centrality to the fragmented material object-world.

The re-signification of material objects, which had to do neither with some phenomenological return to things nor with any sort of philosophical materialism, resulted simply from the debased wartime economy.

The new meaning invested in these material objects was informed by the processes of looting, recycling, and accumulation through which some of them passed en route to physical destruction. One of the recurring themes of my analysis is the concept of ownership and property. Before laws, there was no property; take away laws, and property ceases to exist. And since there was no such law, the ongoing illegal expropriation of Jews maciejrwska guaranteed by the state of exception introduced in Februaryas well as by the concept of Aryanization of Germany formulated in the Nuremberg Laws.

Even the regulatory step undertaken by the Nazis—the Decree Regarding the Reporting of the Jewish Property, introduced by the Reich Minister of Justice after the annexation of Austria on April 26, —did not set forth the notion of dispossession, but required every Jew to report the value of his or her entire foreign and domestic property.

As the war unfolded, the methods of solving the expropriation varied in the occupied countries.

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When the western and most economically advanced part of Poland was incorporated into the Third Reich, it was treated in a similar manner: To invoke just one aspect of the ongoing economic exploitation, the eviction of both Polish Jews and some Poles from their homes started very early in order to provide better housing and higher standards of living for both the occupiers and the local German population. Those later confined in ghettos were subjected to exploitative and prohibitive regulations and decrees that pertained to every aspect of their existence.

This background also helps to illuminate the true scale of the bare life during wartime, when so much depended on overlooked items that had trivial monetary value. This temporal distinction returns my analysis to its original source and context: Authenticity is a value characteristic of the post-Holocaust perspective; within the Holocaust, the main value of any written testimony, including a literary one, was its incrimination of the genocide.

When approaching the factuality of the Holocaust, researchers often employ a shift in perspective, transforming the totality of mass murder into a gruesome mass of facts and numbers. Thus, one type of reification is followed, this time out of necessity, by another.

On the one hand, the representational method employed by curators inevitably brings the fragmented messages of the detritus to 6 the holocaust object in polish and polish – jewish culture the level of abstraction. The Holocaust Text as Object I can say that the existing book, the existing sheet of paper, have a special sense, they are animated by an intention.

The book with its paper pages, its cover, etc. To this book there does not append a second thing, the sense; but instead the latter, in animating, penetrates the physical whole in a certain way. This twofold materiality though the latter one is without matter enabled each manuscript and each copy of these object-oriented works both to tell its own story, and also to refer to the story of its author.

Writers and artists caught in the whirlpool of war and unfolding genocide tried to secure their paintings, prints, and unpublished manuscripts in every possible manner, burying them, depositing them in safe places, or entrusting them to relatives and acquaintances who lived outside of confinement or in quieter parts of the country. In this book, I take pains to describe the ontology and the status of the Holocaust text as both material thing and written document.

In order to account for this conceptual synthesis, I apply to it the term precarium, which in its original legal context describes the deposit of items slated to be returned to their owners upon a positive change of situation. In my interpretation, the term embraces both meanings. More than by anything else, the precarious existence is triggered and augmented by the fact that the Holocaust text is permeated by a unique historic meaning.

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In approaching writings, artifacts, and works The Totalized Object 7 of art from the Holocaust, I necessarily encountered instances of erasure, of texts deliberately destroyed precisely because they recounted acts of genocide, either factually or fictionally. Although it is not the only principle governing this effect, precarium sets apart the Holocaust texts from postwar writings because their incriminating messages endangered them, as well as their authors and keepers.

Acutely aware of this condition, Russians during the Stalinist terror memorized their texts. The tradition of memorizing texts is equally strong in both Polish and Jewish traditions, but the mass genocide undermined the possibility of safely preserving a text in individual memory. For all aims and purposes, providing a material sort of protection was a better solution, as proven by many incredible post-Holocaust discoveries.

Of course, the Holocaust text shares this characteristic with other artifacts, all of which require material preservation. Those pieces that were preserved on paper, however, were particularly fragile. For this reason, their destructibility exceeds in both manner and degree the universal vulnerability of matter.

Staff, Leopold 1878-1957

The text, as a fragile maciejwwska object, usually embraces the phases of its creation: All these stages seem self-explanatory under normal circumstances. However, conditions of terror, extreme censorship, and a type of deprivation that made writing tools scarce or deemed their possession illegal transformed the whole process of writing into a hazardous preoccupation.

As Emanuel Ringelblum, historian of the Warsaw Ghetto, wrote: Despite the fact that searches on the Aryan side were less frequent, the mechanism of terror and fear also forced many individuals to destroy their accounts.

Yet, some of Holocaust Ur-writers penned their texts with hope, trusting that their Word would survive. This indicates a greater concern about the continued existence of their creations than of their own lives. Notwithstanding serious efforts to protect them, many manuscripts were destroyed or lost.

Written in both Yiddish and Polish, both outside of and within ghettos, these were mainly nonfictional, historical, and testimonial accounts. I wish to draw attention to these inscriptions in times of war in order to focus wierszze their disturbing and incriminating message.

Although his simile, taken literally, is not entirely adequate to the Holocaust text, which was never thrown into the open, but staff and hidden like treasure to be discovered by future generations, it retains a certain relevance.

The very fact that these maciejwwska have reached us, though their authors and the entire world in which they were written have perished, verges on the miraculous. The convoluted fate of these poems was shaped by numerous historical circumstances, but I find that precarium, which involved a chance movement between the fragile material foundations of works, their incriminating message, and historical events, is crucial for a larger understanding of the Holocaust text.

The fate of the Holocaust inscription as a material object is intimately connected to the physical surfaces used for writing: The Holocaust thus forced the revaluation of detritus—such as wrapping paper, old receipts, bottle leopoldz, cement bags, walls of confinement, and even scraps of toilet paper—into the carriers of priceless messages. The preservation and archivization of written Holocaust accounts lead us to question what was actually collected and archived leopoldx the handful of dedicated individuals who undertook this labor.

Archiving mass genocide—understood as a necessary protective measure— they resisted extreme methods of Nazi policy as well as the usual destructive forces of the elements and time.

Since archives, as collections of incriminating records, were perceived as hazardous and vulnerable in this period, they had to be The Totalized Object 9 hidden in protective places, outside of the public space and its gaze, because this sphere was itself dangerous.

Although the task leopllda archiving did not preclude that the archived items would be either destroyed or partially damaged, as was the case with a portion of the Chronicle of the Warsaw Ghetto, it was pervaded by a strong positive intent.

In this sense, Holocaust writings that had once been threatened became survivors. Can one speak of the survival of texts without lapsing into personification? Amy Hungerford warns against such personification of texts about the Holocaust. Today one encounters only the remainders of Holocaust texts. Described as a treasure by one of the men who buried the Oyneg Shabes archives,22 these vestiges of those who were obliterated by the genocide are now preserved physically in the best possible way.

Since, for the most part, we cannot directly access these remnants, we must rely on mediation by microfilms, photographs, and computerized images.