Trust in Schools: A Core Resource for Improvement (American Sociological Association’s Rose Series) [Anthony Bryk, Barbara Schneider] on () emphasized that principals may influence a school’s climate a great deal if “they can develop feelings of trust, open communications, collegiality, and. Trust in Schools. A Core Resource for Improvement. by. Anthony Bryk. Barbara Schneider. Most Americans agree on the necessity of education reform, but there .

Author: Mimi Faugrel
Country: Sri Lanka
Language: English (Spanish)
Genre: Photos
Published (Last): 5 September 2014
Pages: 369
PDF File Size: 18.23 Mb
ePub File Size: 10.73 Mb
ISBN: 286-9-18539-936-7
Downloads: 19804
Price: Free* [*Free Regsitration Required]
Uploader: Guran

A longitudinal study schoops Chicago elementary schools shows the central role of relational trust in building effective education communities. Important consequences play out in the day-to-day social exchanges within a school community. Recent research shows that social trust among teachers, parents, and school leaders improves much of the routine work of schools and is a schneidwr resource for reform. Meier argues persuasively that building trust among teachers, school leaders, students, and parents was a key component of the success of the middle school that she created in Harlem.

The efforts of Alvarado and his colleagues to build learning communities in Community School District 2 in Manhattan also support the importance of the social dimension of school change Malloy, And a longitudinal analysis of successfully restructuring schools concluded that human resources—such as openness to improvement, trust and respect, teachers having knowledge and skills, supportive leadership, and socialization—are more critical to the development of professional community than structural conditions.

The need to improve the culture, climate, schenider interpersonal relationships in schools has received too little attention. In short, a growing body of case studies and clinical narratives directs our attention to the engaging but elusive idea of social trust as essential for meaningful school improvement.

But what is social trust? What factors help bry shape it? And what benefits does it produce? To answer school and related questions, we conducted almost a truxt of intensive case study research and longitudinal statistical analyses from more than Chicago elementary schools. We spent approximately four years in 12 different school communities observing school meetings and events; conducting interviews and focus groups with principals, teachers, parents, and community leaders; observing classroom instruction; and talking to teachers about the progress and problems in their reform efforts.

Combined with this field study, we analyzed periodic surveys of teachers, principals, and students collected by the Consortium on Chicago School Research trusst examine the changing quality of relational dynamics in all Chicago elementary schools over a six-year period.

Trust in Schools: A Core Resource for School Reform

This improvement in a school’s contribution to student learning is a direct measure of its scools academic productivity. By linking evidence on the schools’ changing academic productivity with survey results on school trust over a long period of time, we were able to document the powerful influence that such trust plays as a resource for reform. Distinct role relationships characterize the social exchanges of schooling: Each party in a trut maintains an understanding of his or her role’s obligations and holds some expectations about the obligations of the other parties.

For a school community to work well, it must bfyk agreement in each role relationship in terms of the understandings held about these personal obligations and expectations of others. An interrelated set of mutual dependencies are embedded within the social exchanges in any school community. Regardless of how much formal power any given role has in a school community, all participants remain dependent on others to achieve desired outcomes and feel empowered by schnwider efforts.

The principal, for example, needs faculty support to maintain a cohesive professional community that productively engages parents and students.

Teachers’ work, in turn, depends on decisions that the principal makes about the allocation of resources to their classrooms. Parents depend on both teachers schopls the principal to create an environment that keeps their children safe and helps them learn. Such dependencies create a sense of mutual vulnerability for all individuals involved.

Consequently, deliberate action taken by any party to reduce this sense of vulnerability in others—to make them feel safe and secure—builds trust across the community. As individuals interact with one another around the work of schooling, they are constantly discerning the intentions embedded in the actions of others. They consider how others’ efforts advance their own interests or impinge on their own self-esteem. They ask whether others’ behavior reflects appropriately on their moral obligations to educate children well.


These discernments take into account the history of previous interactions. In the absence of prior contact, participants may rely on the general reputation of the other and also on commonalities of race, gender, age, religion, or upbringing. These discernments tend to organize around four specific considerations: Relational trust is grounded in the social respect that comes from the kinds of social discourse that take place across the school community.

Respectful exchanges are marked by genuinely listening to what each person has to say and by taking these views into account in subsequent actions.

Even when people disagree, individuals can still feel valued if others respect their opinions. Without interpersonal respect, social exchanges may cease. People typically avoid demeaning situations if they can. When they don’t have this option, sustained conflict may erupt. Such a situation existed at Ridgeway Elementary School, where interactions among parent leaders and professional staff got in the way of needed reforms.

But little of this same respect was evident in the social interactions among the adults. Parent and community leaders offered schneieer personal criticism of school staff with little recognition that their behavior was the exact opposite of the behavior that they desired to foster in the students.

Personal regard represents another important criterion in determining how individuals discern trust. Such regard springs from the willingness of participants to extend themselves beyond the formal requirements of a job definition or a union contract.

The actions of the principal at another of our case study sites, Holiday Elementary School, offer strong testimony. Almost every parent and teacher we spoke with at this school commented effusively about the principal’s personal style, his openness to others, and his willingness to reach out to parents, teachers, and students. His efforts helped cultivate a climate in which truust regard became the norm across the school community. This climate, in turn, was a major factor in the high level of relational trust found in this most unexpected place—a percent low-income, African American zchools in a school serving a public housing project, with a white, male principal.

School community members also want their interactions with others to produce desired outcomes. This attainment depends, in large measure, on others’ role competence. For example, parents depend on the professional ethics and skills of school staff for their children’s welfare and learning. Teachers want supportive work conditions for their practice, which depends on the capacity of the school principal to fairly, effectively, and efficiently manage basic school operations.

School administrators value good community relations, but achieving this objective requires concerted effort from all school staff. Instances of negligence or incompetence, if allowed to persist, undermine trust. This was a major factor in the negative parent-school relations at Ridgeway, where some clearly incompetent and uncaring teachers were nonetheless allowed to continue to practice.

Perceptions about personal integrity also shape individuals’ discernment that trust exists. The first question that we ask is whether we can trust others to keep their word.

Integrity also demands that a moral-ethical perspective guides one’s work. Although conflicts frequently arise among competing individual interests within a school community, a commitment to the education and welfare of children must remain the primary concern.

The principal’s actions at Ridgeway offer a compelling example of how a perceived lack of commitment to students’ welfare can undermine trust. Although members of the school community viewed this principal as a caring person, no one was sure where he stood on a number of internal school conflicts. When schneder surfaced about schoo,s teachers, he chose an approach sensitive to the particular adults involved.

He visited their classrooms and demonstrated lessons, hoping that the teachers would adopt new techniques. When the teachers did not improve, however, he dropped the initiative and did not change the situation.

In the end, no one interpreted his action as directed toward the best interests of the students, and these events further exacerbated the distrust across the school community. The myriad social exchanges that make up daily life in a school community fuse into distinct social patterns that can generate organization-wide resources. Collective decision making with broad teacher buy-in, a crucial ingredient for reform, occurs more readily in schools with strong relational trust.


In contrast, the absence of trust, as witnessed at Ridgeway School, provoked sustained controversy around resolving even such relatively simple problems as the arrangements for a kindergarten graduation ceremony.

Strong relational trust also makes it more likely that reform initiatives will diffuse broadly across the school because trust reduces the sense of risk associated with change. When school professionals trust one another and sense support from parents, they feel safe to experiment with new practices. Similarly, relational trust fosters the necessary social exchanges among school professionals as they learn from one another.

Talking honestly with colleagues about what’s working and what’s not means exposing your own ignorance and making yourself vulnerable. Without trust, genuine conversations of this sort remain unlikely. Further, relational trust supports a moral imperative to take on the difficult work of school improvement.

Most teachers work hard at their teaching. In the end, reform is the right thing to do. Our analysis of Holiday School provides strong testimony here, too. Our longitudinal survey analyses provide strong evidence on this point as well. In schools in which relational trust was improving over time, teachers increasingly characterized their colleagues as committed and loyal to the school and more eager to engage in new practices that might help students learn better.

Not surprisingly, then, we found that elementary schools with high relational trust were much more likely to demonstrate marked improvements in student learning. Our overall measure of school trust, on the basis of approximately two dozen survey items addressing teachers’ attitudes toward their colleagues, principals, and parents, proved a powerful discriminator between improving and nonimproving schools.

A school with a low score on relational trust at the end of our study had only a one-in-seven chance of demonstrating improved academic productivity.

Trust in Schools: A Core Resource for School Reform – Educational Leadership

In contrast, half of the schools that scored high on relational trust were in the improved group. On average, these improving schools recorded increases in student learning of 8 percent in reading and 20 percent in mathematics in a five-year period. The schools hryk the nonimproving group lost ground in reading and stayed about the same in mathematics.

Most significant was the finding that schools with chronically weak trust reports throughout the period of the study had virtually no chance of scchneider in either reading or mathematics. Relational trust entails much more than just making school staff feel good about their work environment and colleagues.

schols A school cannot achieve relational trust simply through some workshop, retreat, or form of sensitivity training, although all of these activities can help. Rather, schools build relational trust in day-to-day social exchanges. Through their words and actions, school participants show their sense sfhools their obligations toward others, and others discern these intentions.

Trust grows through exchanges in which actions validate these expectations. Even simple interactions, if successful, can enhance collective capacities for more complex subsequent actions. Frust this respect, increasing trust and deepening organizational change support each other.

Principals’ actions play a key role in developing and sustaining relational trust. Principals establish both respect and personal regard when they acknowledge the vulnerabilities of others, actively listen to their concerns, and eschew arbitrary actions. Effective principals couple these behaviors with a compelling sxhneider vision and behavior that clearly seeks to advance the vision. This consistency between words and actions affirms their personal integrity.

Then, if the principal competently manages basic day-to-day school affairs, an overall ethos conducive to the formation of trust will emerge.

In a troubled school community, attaining relational trust may require the principal to jump-start change. Typically, the principal may need to reshape the composition of the school staff by hiring strong people into staff vacancies and, where necessary, counseling out those whose practice remains inconsistent with the school’s mission and values.